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/leftypol/ - Leftist Politically Incorrect

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File: 1785550532663.jpg ( 53.59 KB , 1920x1098 , Former Flag of the Interna….jpg )

 No.498152

Big megathread for discussion and news about the EU, Europe, and European member states!
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 No.498153

File: 1785550990008.png ( 292.41 KB , 1320x684 , ClipboardImage.png )

To start this off - Ceuta has been in the news a lot recently. Apparently it was in the news back in April, too - specifically, Ynet, an Israeli paper which published an article back then about a plan proposed by an Israeli-funded neocon thinktank to get revenge against Spain for not going along with zionist-American colonial genocide & war, and to reward the vassal Moroccan monarchs for supporting zionist colonialism by, ironically, supporting a putsch to reclaim parts of northern Morocco from Spain using migrants as fodder:

Abraham Accords reach the Strait: how Israel can help Morocco reclaim its north
Analysis: US-Spain tensions over NATO, Iran create opening for Morocco to press claims on Ceuta and Melilla, with Israel positioned to back Rabat diplomatically within US-led alliance that increasingly favors cooperative partners over European holdouts

The geopolitical earthquake shaking Washington's relationship with Madrid has opened an unexpected window for one of the Arab world's oldest territorial grievances. Spain's refusal to allow the United States access to its Rota and Morón military bases during the Iran campaign, its consistent failure to meet NATO defense spending targets, and Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez's confrontational posture toward the Trump administration have collectively generated something rare in North African affairs: a genuine crack in Spain's strategic armor over Ceuta and Melilla. Into that crack, Morocco's most consequential new partner, Israel, is uniquely positioned to press.

The pieces have been assembling for months. In March 2026, Michael Rubin of the American Enterprise Institute, writing through the Middle East Forum, called on the Trump administration to formally recognize Ceuta and Melilla as occupied Moroccan territory, branding Spain "a colonial power running colonies across the Strait of Gibraltar." Days later, Representative Mario Díaz-Balart, chairman of the House Subcommittee on National Security and one of Marco Rubio's closest congressional confidants, declared publicly that the enclaves "are not in the geographic territory of Spain" but rather in Moroccan territory, and that their fate should be "established, negotiated, and discussed between friends and allies." This was not the fringe speaking. This was the architecture of a coordinated strategic repositioning.

Spain's estrangement from Washington has deepened further. An internal Pentagon email, reported by Reuters in April 2026, outlined options including suspending Spain from NATO over its refusal to facilitate U.S. operations against Iran. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth made the administration's contempt for European free-riding explicit, singling out allies who refused to contribute to the Strait of Hormuz campaign. Trump himself had already called Spain "terrible" in March and directed his Treasury Secretary to cut economic dealings with Madrid. Critically, Article 6 of the Washington Treaty explicitly excludes territories in continental Africa from NATO's collective defense obligations, meaning Ceuta and Melilla stand legally exposed. The alliance umbrella Spain has long relied upon to insulate its colonial holdouts from diplomatic pressure simply does not extend there.

This is where Israel enters the equation, and does so with unusual leverage.

The Abraham Accords transformed Morocco from a quiet interlocutor with Israel into a formal military partner. In January 2026, Israel and Morocco signed a joint military work plan for the year during the third meeting of their Joint Military Committee in Tel Aviv, which the IDF described as deepening cooperation with a "key partner for regional stability." The two countries had already concluded a security cooperation agreement in 2021. This bilateral architecture gives Israel something it has rarely possessed in North African politics: direct strategic stake in Rabat's regional success.

That stake has an obvious application to Ceuta and Melilla. The Trump administration's Abrahamic coalition, built around shared opposition to Iran and common economic incentives, has created an operational triangular relationship between Washington, Jerusalem, and Rabat. Israel's voice in that triangle carries disproportionate weight. When Israeli officials signal alignment with a partner's strategic interests, that signal registers powerfully in a White House that has placed Abraham Accords expansion at the center of its foreign policy vision. Morocco's territorial claim over the enclaves is not simply a bilateral dispute with Spain; it is increasingly a litmus test for whether the Trump administration will reward its most cooperative partners over its most obstinate NATO members.
Israel can advance Morocco's cause through three distinct channels. First, through direct diplomatic signaling. Israeli acknowledgment that Spain's continued occupation of African territory undermines the post-colonial credibility that normalization frameworks require would reframe Ceuta and Melilla as a regional governance issue, not merely a bilateral spat. Second, through Washington corridors where Israel's influence is considerable, Israeli officials can amplify the case that Morocco's strategic contribution, anchoring the western Mediterranean, controlling the southern approach to the Strait of Gibraltar, and serving as America's longest-standing treaty partner, warrants concrete American support on its most persistent territorial demand. Third, Israel can expose Spain's glaring hypocrisy. Madrid has been among the loudest European voices condemning Israeli territorial policies and settlements. Spain recognized a Palestinian state in 2024 while simultaneously maintaining European enclaves on African soil that predate modern Israel by four centuries. That contradiction is potent and deserves to be driven home repeatedly in international forums.

None of this requires military adventurism. Morocco has consistently pursued its northern claims through legal, demographic, and diplomatic pressure rather than force. The model is patient and effective. Israel's role would be diplomatic amplification within an alliance structure already sympathetic to Rabat's position. The United States designates Morocco a Major Non-NATO Ally, has signed a new 10-year defense roadmap with Rabat, and is simultaneously threatening to suspend Spain from the alliance it refuses to support financially or operationally.
Spain finds itself diplomatically isolated at precisely the moment its most exposed territorial possessions lack a legal defense guarantee. The Abraham Accords created a framework for reconfiguring Middle Eastern and North African alliances in ways that serve American and Israeli interests simultaneously. Helping Morocco recover Ceuta and Melilla would serve that framework and punish a NATO member that has repeatedly chosen obstruction over partnership at the alliance's most critical juncture. For Israel, amplifying Morocco's claim is not charity. It is strategic investment in the partner that, across the Strait of Gibraltar, holds the key to one of the world's most vital maritime chokepoints.

https://www.ynetnews.com/opinions-analysis/article/bki11ns9tzx
https://archive.is/9kamk
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 No.498154

Isn't it about time to consolidate all these threads into on big World War thread?
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 No.498155

Is there even any resistance left in Europe at this point? Varoufakis's DiEM thing seems to have gone nowhere, Claire Daly and Mick Wallis got defeated in EU parliament elections, Sara Wagenknecht's party in Germany is too focused on her and seems to be struggling. How's Podemos doing in Spain?
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 No.498156

File: 1785553305085.jpg ( 11.15 KB , 280x157 , robert-fico-on-stretcher.jpg )

>>498155
Oh I guess Robert Fico is still the last committed social democrat left in Europe. He survived that assassination attempt and is still in power. I'm surprised they managed to get rid of Orban in Hungary before Fico in Slovakia.
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 No.498157

>>498154
I should make a World War 3 thread. I'll do it at some point.
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 No.498158

>>498155
>Is there even any resistance left in Europe at this point?
Not as far as I can tell, not meaningfully. It's extremely unfortunate, and it just seems to be getting worse for Europeans as their governments are entirely vassalized.

I don't know much about the Bulgarian situation, but Rumen Radev was recently elected there, which, to me, a layman who knows little about Bulgarian politics, seemed like it had potential to improve the situation in Bulgaria geopolitically. However, Bulgaria has now approved the use of its bases by the US for attacks on Iran.
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 No.498164

File: 1785571866529.png ( 884.54 KB , 1290x1789 , ClipboardImage.png )

>>498153
Another detail of this attached.
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 No.498198

File: 1785780327663.png ( 387.76 KB , 605x836 , ceuta-invasion.png )

Looks like we know who was behind the latest stunt in Morocco.
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 No.498199

>>498198
Yep, see >>498153 for additional details.
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 No.498224

>>498153
BadEmpanada on this
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 No.498954

https://x.com/AbubakerAbedW/status/2098739927651340386
Ireland has gone to historically extreme resources-draining lengths to secure Trump's visit:

Approximately 10,000 police members, a huge cavalcade from the airport to his destinations, snipers, armed guards, helicopters, and armoured vehicles deployed wherever he moves in the country.

Streets and parks closed, unprecedented and frequent checkpoints, and traffic jams in the capital.

This is all to protect someone who mass murdered children, wiped out entire families, and waged illegal wars on innocent people. Someone who had a love fest with Epstein.

https://x.com/KNEECAPCEOL/status/2098754248582291730
Dublin City now with 50,000 on the streets.

TRUMP - war criminal!
NETANYAHU - war criminal!
VON DER LEYEN - war criminal!

💚🤍🧡
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 No.498971

>>498954
>I'm the 51st State now
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 No.499205

https://x.com/RnaudBertrand/status/2102606070694937075
Arnaud Bertrand - Ok, we now have the actual text of the Greenland deal (https://whitehouse.gov/briefings-stat
ements/2026/09/agreement-between-the-government-of-the-united-states-of-america-and-the-government-of-the-kingdom-of-denmark-together-with-the-government-of-greenland-to-amend-and-supplement-the-agreement-of-27-apri/
), so we can say how it compares to the existing 1951 arrangement and who, between Trump and Denmark, lied the most in their framing of it.

Long story short - which may surprise some - the Danes lied the most: Trump is pretty much correct in saying that this new deal grants the US control of Greenland.

Let's look into what changed compared to the 1951 deal.

1) This is now a permanent arrangement: whereas the existing 1951 deal only lasted as long as NATO existed, this one "does not have an end date and may only be amended by mutual consent."

It even survives a hypothetical future independence of Greenland: in that event, Denmark and Greenland must ensure that the independent Greenlandic state "affirmatively assume[s] all of the rights and obligations of the Kingdom of Denmark specified in this Agreement."

2) In the 1951 agreement, the US could set up bases only where both governments agreed, and only on the basis of NATO planning. The new deal locks in three bases: the US can "modernize and expand its activities" at Pituffik, its only base in Greenland until now, and "shall be allowed to establish an additional Defense Area at Narsarsuaq and Mestersvig." Further bases beyond these 3 can be justified by the defense of "the American continent," a US interest rather than a NATO one.

Also, quite subtle but this is interesting: Article IV(iii) says  that "the United States may establish additional defense areas in Greenland" and that consultations are then held "to decide implementation details based on mutual agreement." What this means is that the principle of a new base is automatically granted and only the implementation details require agreement.

Article VII also gives the US "the right to raise concerns regarding construction, or change of use" of any building near a US base, after which the parties decide together what to do. Which means that the US has a say over civilian planning around its bases.

3) On US military movement across Greenland, the wording change between the 1951 agreement and this new one is quite funny.

The 1951 text said (Art. V(3)): the US "may enjoy… the right of free access to and movement between the defense areas through Greenland, including territorial waters, by land, air and sea," but only "in accordance with general rules mutually agreed upon and issued by the appropriate Danish authority in Greenland."

The new one says: "the United States of America shall enjoy… the right of free access to and movement between the Defense Areas through Greenland, including the Territorial Waters, by land, air and sea."

That's it: "May" becomes "shall," and the US military movement no longer has to follow rules "issued by the appropriate Danish authority in Greenland." The US also gets something new on top: "undersea access to and movement within the Territorial Waters," i.e. submarines.

4) Non-NATO exclusion: non-NATO states are barred from military installations or a persistent presence in Greenland unless all three parties approve, giving the US an effective permanent veto. The 1951 deal had no equivalent clause.

5) Investment screening: this is entirely new. "States or investors from a state that is not a member of NATO, a NATO partner, or an EU member state" (i.e. Russia, China, India, the Gulf States, etc.), "shall not be allowed to have (i) control, (ii) significant influence, or (iii) access to non-public information…within Particularly Sensitive Sectors or Activities in the territory of Greenland (including the Territorial Waters), unless agreed between the Parties."

Again, it basically means that the US has a permanent veto over who can invest in strategic sectors in Greenland, as far as non-NATO or EU states are concerned.

6) Lastly, in stark contrast with the 1951 deal, the framing of the deal changes significantly: this new deal is largely framed around the US.

The 1951 agreement existed only "for the benefit of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization." The new one lists the defense of "the American continent" as an objective, celebrates "the irreplaceable role" of the United States military as well as "the United States' indispensable historical and ongoing contributions to the security and defense of Greenland," and names the establishment of Trump's "Golden Dome" missile defense system as a key goal.

So, to sum up:
- The US secured a permanent military foothold that even an independent Greenland would inherit whether it likes it or not
- The US now has veto power over any non-NATO military presence in Greenland, and over who can invest in its strategic infrastructure and resources (beyond NATO and the EU)
- Denmark signed away its say over the principle of new US bases, with only the right to discuss the "implementation details"
- Danish authorities no longer set the rules for US military movement across the island
- And all of it is now justified by the defense of "the American continent"

I don't know in which universe this even remotely "recognizes the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Kingdom and the Greenlandic people's right to self-determination," as Danish PM Mette Frederiksen put it (https://stm.dk/en/press/press
-releases/expected-agreement-on-strengthened-security-in-the-arctic-and-the-north-atlantic-area
).

Yes, the preamble of the text cynically "reaffirms" Danish sovereignty but, in my book, when you let a foreign country put bases on your soil, move its troops without following your rules and veto who else can come in, in perpetuity, after it spent two years threatening to take you by force, the word for that is anything but "recognized sovereignty" 🤷
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 No.499213

File: 1790266057902.png ( 1.32 MB , 1170x607 , ClipboardImage.png )

Dockworkers Unions in Six Countries Announce Day of Strikes and Protests Against War and Genocide
Unions representing workers at 40 ports in  Europe and the Mediterranean are calling for an international day of action on October 30.
By Sarah Lazare | July 31, 2026
This article is a joint publication of Workday Magazine and In These Times.

Dockworkers unions in France, Greece, Basque Country, Turkey, Morocco, and Italy are calling an international day of action "against war and militarization" on October 30. They are demanding an end to "the genocide of the Palestinian people" and the "US-Israeli wars of aggression in the Middle East and against Iran."

"Each union will decide the most appropriate form of mobilization according to its national circumstances, starting from strike action and from a shared commitment to prevent the loading of death and destruction," reads a joint statement from the unions, which was sent to Workday Magazine and In These Times on July 31.

Together, the unions represent workers at 40 ports in Europe and the Mediterranean, according to the statement. Their call for an escalation emerged from a meeting of the port workers unions held in Istanbul in May. The announcement also expresses "full solidarity with the peoples of Cuba, Venezuela and Sudan," and declares that "ports must not be used for the transport of arms, ammunition, military equipment or troops destined for war zones."

"No to the war economy, government rearmament plans, and the project of militarization of ports and strategic infrastructure from [the] EU," the unions assert in their statement. "Public resources must be used to meet people's social needs, not to finance war." Signatories include CGT FNPD in France, ENEDEP in Greece, LAB in Basque Country, LIMAN-IS in Turkey, ODT in Morocco, and ORSA Porti and USB in Italy.

Since October 2023, Palestinian trade unionists have repeatedly called on union members around the world to go on strike and refuse to handle arms shipments to Israel, to protest the latter's military campaign in Gaza, which has been denounced as a genocide by leading human rights groups and scholars. (The United States has provided crucial political and financial support to Israel.) On April 5, 2025, the General Federation of Trade Unions in Gaza appealed to unionists to ​"create real pressure to stop this dirty war." Dockworkers have played a spirited role in answering this call.

From Belgium to Sweden to Italy, dockworkers have refused to handle weapons components bound for Gaza, and on February 6, they shut down 21 ports across the Mediterranean, including Bilbao and Tangier, to protest the use of civilian port infrastructure for military purposes, and the incorporation of their jobs into a war economy.

The statement follows Italy's two general strikes in the fall of 2025 in solidarity with Palestinians. Ten months ago, about 60 dockworkers gathered at the Port Authority building in Civitavecchia, a small Italian coastal town northwest of Rome. It was September 22, 2025, and they had walked off their jobs earlier that day, shutting down the port as part of a general strike to protest the Italian government's status as the third largest supplier of arms to Israel. Where they stood, they were surrounded by about 600 people cheering them on-students, teachers, railway workers, public sector workers-a significant crowd for a tiny town.

"It was a beautiful sight to see the dock workers surrounded by their city," recalls Riccardo Petrarolo, who serves on the national coordination body for Italy's ports with USB (Unione Sindacale di Base).

The dockworkers started getting WhatsApp messages from colleagues in larger cities, like Livorno and Genoa, reporting that workers had shut down their ports, too. And news of strikes and closures were also rolling in from the media. "They were saying the exact same thing was happening at the other harbors," Petrarolo says. When the dockworkers announced each new shutdown over a speaker system, Petrarolo tells me, the crowd let out "a loud cheer, like at a stadium."

These actions are the product of decades of worker-built relationships with Palestinians, and years of organizing against participation in arms shipments. On August 30, 2025, 40,000 people rallied in Genoa to send off the Global Sumud Flotilla to deliver food and aid to Gaza. For seafaring people-the workers who labor on the docks, load and unload ships, repair and move equipment, and transport goods to other ports-the flotilla's struggles to reach Gaza resonated deeply,  and attacks against the vessel provoked profound anger.

Riccardo Rudino, a dockworker with the city's Autonomous Port Workers' Collective (CALP), declared to the crowd that sent the ship off, "If, even for twenty minutes, we lose contact with our comrades on the flotilla, we will block all of Europe: from Genoa's docks. Not a single nail will leave. It will be a global strike."

Genoa dockworkers soon called for a general strike on September 22, to protest Italy's complicity in the onslaught on Gaza, and USB, which has roughly 100,000 members in both the private and public sectors, supported the action. About half a million people walked off the job that day, and 1 million took part in protests across Italian towns and cities. Highways, streets, and subways were shut down, as people across the country took up the call, "Blocchiamo tutto," or "Block everything."

José Nivoi, a dockworker and spokesperson for Collettivo Autonomo Lavoratori Portuali (CALP), an independent dockworker union in Genoa, sailed with the Global Sumud Flotilla, and gave an interview from aboard the vessel on September 23 in support of the strike. "The mobilizations we have been carrying out until recently were totally in support of Palestine and we never backed down," he said.

Then, on October 1 and 2 of 2025, Israel intercepted the vessels of the flotilla and arrested the hundreds of people on board. The time had come to make good on the threat of "not a single nail." Italian organizers responded with an even bigger general strike on October 3. This time, the Confederazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro (CGIL), the largest union federation in Italy, called for the strike, as did USB. An estimated 2 million people protested in more than 80 cities. Ports and highways were blocked and shut down, rail lines were disrupted, and schools and universities closed.

"This was organized very quickly and outside of the legal framework in Italy, and as before, involved large and small cities, and many people taking to the streets in solidarity," says Petrarolo from USB. "This, of course, involved a reaction from the Italian state, which involved fines to the unions, and police and judicial actions against organizers. But this did not stop the organizing, and the actual result was that the next day 1 million people took to the streets in Rome."

Dockworkers are hoping to build on the momentum. The announcement of the October 30 day of action is based on the "Istanbul Declaration," which was endorsed by all signatories. Alongside their anti-war demands, workers are insisting that "collective agreements must guarantee real wage increases, secure employment, reduced working hours, and fair pension provisions." And they don't want mechanization or artificial intelligence to "eliminate jobs or undermine workers' rights."

The unions say, "We are ready to meet with organized groups of dockworkers and port workers from any other ports interested in becoming part of this common struggle."

https://workdaymagazine.org/dockworkers-unions-in-six-countries-announce-day-of-strikes-and-protests-against-war-and-genocide/

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